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Who We Are
The Abbeville Institute is an association of scholars in higher education devoted to a critical study of what is true and valuable in the Southern tradition. The Institute conducts seminars and conferences for college and graduate students, and guides research and publication on all aspects of the Southern tradition.

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Why We Were Founded
 
In a healthy society, education is the thoughtful enjoyment of a cultural inheritance. But American society today is in the grip of an ideological culture war. During the last thirty years, colleges and universities have come to be dominated by the ideologies of multiculturalism and political correctness.

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Our Goals?
 
The ideological culture war that has resulted in the vilification of all things Southern and the elimination of the distinctly Southern interpretation of American history and identity is not going to change overnight. Those who created it are tenured, and will dominate in higher education for at least a generation-- and even longer since they are disposed to hire and tenure only their own.

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Our Programs
 
The Institute conducts three main programs. An annual week long Summer School for college and graduate students; an annual Scholar’s Conference for academics and other thoughtful people; and Jefferson Seminars which are locally sponsored seminars of no more than 25 to explore a topic of interest to the public and to recover the Jeffesonian ideal of leaning through humane conversation.  

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Friday, May 24, 2013

Why Founded

Why We Were Founded
 

In a healthy society, education is the thoughtful enjoyment of a cultural inheritance. But American society today is in the grip of an ideological culture war. During the last thirty years, colleges and universities have come to be dominated by the ideologies of multiculturalism and political correctness.

The result is that the distinctly Southern interpretation of American history and identity is simply not taught. If the Southern tradition is mentioned at all, it is usually vilified as little more than a mask for racism. In ignoring or eliminating the Southern tradition, much that is good and noble in American life is rendered inexplicable; but perhaps more importantly one erases from memory a valuable intellectual and spiritual resource for exposing and correcting the errors of American modernity. Eugene Genovese, a distinguished historian of the South--a northerner and a man of the left--has been a rare voice in criticizing this purge of the Southern tradition from the academy. In the Massey Lectures given at Harvard, he had this to say: "Rarely these days, even on southern campuses, is it possible to acknowledge the achievements of the white people of the South...To speak positively about any part of this southern tradition is to invite charges of being a racist and an apologist for slavery and segregation. We are witnessing a cultural and political atrocity--an increasingly successful campaign by the media and an academic elite to strip young white southerners, and arguably black southerners as well, of their heritage, and, therefore, their identity. They are being taught to forget their forebears or to remember them with shame."

Abbeville Slide Show

Featured Articles

“Presidential Greatness: Pierce v. Lincoln” by Marshall DeRosa
It is said that the right of secession, if conceded, makes our Government a mere rope of sand.  .  . .  better, far better, a rope of sand than the chains of iron, and shackles of steel. [US Senator Judah P. Benjamin, Louisiana, February 4, 1861]

The 2012 presidential election is an opportune time to reconsider so-called presidential leadership. This reconsideration sheds light on the predicament in which these united States find themselves.

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NOTE: Clicking the "Read More" link above leads to a "pdf" file download, which requires Adobe Acrobat. If you do not have Adobe Acrobat installed on your computer, you can download it free at Adobe.com .
“John C. Calhoun: Nullification, Secession, and the Constitution” by Marco Bassani
William Freehling stands fairly alone in calling Calhoun “one of the more confused political philosophers in the American tradition.”1 Indeed the opposite is true – the Carolinian is often considered brilliant but somewhat at odds with the American mainstream.

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NOTE: Clicking the "Read More" link above leads to a "pdf" file download, which requires Adobe Acrobat. If you do not have Adobe Acrobat installed on your computer, you can download it free at Adobe.com .
“Calhoun as Political Philosopher" by Donald W. Livingston
A century after his death in the 1950s Calhoun was selected by a Senate Committee, chaired by John Kennedy, at the top of a list of the five greatest Senators in American history. Throughout his career Calhoun exhibited the rare qualities of a statesman. More than once he abandoned his party and his own ambitions for principles and what he thought best for the Union. Professor Clyde Wilson, the foremost authority on Calhoun, has written: “John C. Calhoun was the last great American statesman.

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NOTE: Clicking the "Read More" link above leads to a "pdf" file download, which requires Adobe Acrobat. If you do not have Adobe Acrobat installed on your computer, you can download it free at Adobe.com .
“Jeff Davis’s Crown of Thorns” by Felicity Allen
This ironic crown, combining highest honor and degrading torture, became a premier symbol for the Passion of Christ – all that he suffered before and during his crucifixion. Like the Cross itself, however, it was made glorious by his resurrection.

At the end of the War for Southern Independence, which the South lost, the only president of the short‐lived Confederate States of America was treated like a criminal. He was clapped into solitary confinement in a military prison, at Fortress Monroe, Virginia. The discipline was so strict that Jefferson Davis and his guards (and at first two were right in the cell with him) were forbidden to speak to each other. Davis could never for a moment, even for the needs of nature, leave their presence or the small stone room.

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NOTE: Clicking the "Read More" link above leads to a "pdf" file download, which requires Adobe Acrobat. If you do not have Adobe Acrobat installed on your computer, you can download it free at Adobe.com .
“Republicanism and Liberty: The "Patrick Henry"/"Onslow" Debate”
by H. Lee Cheek, Sean Busick, and Carey Roberts
The fiercely contested, yet inconclusive election of 1824 set the stage for one of the great debates of American political history. According to Irving Bartlett, “the key to understanding Calhoun’s political behavior and thinking from 1825 through 1828 may be found in the peculiar conditions under which the election of 1824 occurred.”1 The same can be said of John Quincy Adams. Fellow cabinet members John Quincy Adams, who served as President Monroe’s Secretary of State, and John C. Calhoun, who served as Secretary of War, entered the fray along with Secretary of the Treasury William H. Crawford, Speaker of the House Henry Clay, and the hero of the Battle of New Orleans and newly elected senator, Andrew Jackson. Calhoun soon realized he lacked adequate support to be elected president and withdrew from the race after Pennsylvania nominated Andrew Jackson. Accepting the vice‐presidential nomination, and aligning himself with Jackson, Calhoun was elected by a large majority.

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NOTE: Clicking the "Read More" link above leads to a "pdf" file download, which requires Adobe Acrobat. If you do not have Adobe Acrobat installed on your computer, you can download it free at Adobe.com .

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Special Feature

"Perpetual War for Perpetual Union: Kendall and Bradford on Lincoln's Imperial Rhetoric," Daniel McCarthy, Editor, The American Conservative.

Daniel McCarthy examines the arguments of Willmore Kendall and M. E. Bradford that Lincoln introduced an ideological style of rhetoric which inclines us to think of America not as a federation of States but as a massively centralized regime dedicated to imposing abstract principles of equality on the world. To many this seems the high point of political rationality, but it is in fact irrational and the source of many illusions in domestic and foreign polity.

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